Kaitlin Smith
English 225
Alice Keane
23 April 2014
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Misogyny in College Sports: How the Overwhelming Support for Men’s Teams Over Women’s Leads to Sexist Perspectives and Elevated Instances of Sexual Assault
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At their birth, universities in the United States were created to be institutions of higher learning, where the men who were privileged enough to attend could engage deeply with academics and become knowledgeable scholars, clergymen, and citizens. This attitude was illustrated by Harvard University, which in 1636 became the very first university established in the United States. Harvard began as a small institution open only to boys, and its first graduating class consisted of just nine students (Ireland). The beginnings of Harvard demonstrate the exclusive, academically focused, and male-dominant nature of universities when they were first created. Fortunately, universities have evolved drastically since this time. Thousands of co-ed colleges have opened across the globe, making university educations available to people of all distinctions, and their focus, which was once placed only on academics, has widened significantly. Universities now foster communities; they encompass sports teams, social and political activist groups, and fraternities and sororities among countless other clubs and organized associations.
As written by Harvard University professor Howard Gardner in 2013 when describing the most valuable aspects of residential colleges: “Last but perhaps most valuable: the creation and maintenance of a community that embodies the best of human values–intellectual, social, and ethical. … This is a reason why alumni so often return to campus; they think of their college experiences as the best years of their lives” (Gardner 100-101). Here, Gardner’s words demonstrate the shift in perspective from traditional to modern colleges. Today, students and professors alike tend to recognize the importance of community and enjoyment alongside traditional academics in the college experience.
An extremely influential institution found in most American universities that supports this sense of community is college sports. Mass student support of their college sports teams rallies school spirit, which enhances the community aspect that is so valued in residential college life. However, although college sports can be beneficial to schools in this way, they also contribute to the maintenance of the male-dominant perspective that was present in the first all-male universities. Illustrated especially in large United States universities, the excitement surrounding college sports is derived almost entirely from men’s teams. This not only encourages the belief that male athletes are more legitimate than female athletes, but also fosters a sense of entitlement among male players, which has been linked to instances of sexual assault. Additionally, in some cases, sports become such an integral part of college culture that even university leaders neglect to recognize and take action against male athletes involved in sexual misconduct. As supported by numerous studies at various schools, the overwhelming support and enthusiasm associated with male-sports teams in the culture of American universities foster sexist perspectives among students, lead to elevated occurrences of sexual assault committed by male athletes, and pressure university leaders to prioritize winning games over protecting female students.
Firstly, it is relevant to note the extent of sport’s influence on college culture, and that it is mainly focused on men’s teams. The influence of sports is especially evident at large Division I universities in which teams tend to be more successful and more recognized by the student body. Division I sports programs require schools to sponsor at least 7 sports teams for men and women, and have a minimum attendance rate at both home and away games (Division Programs). They also allow a greater number of recruited scholarship athletes. For these reasons, schools with Division I sports programs tend to have better teams and a larger student body, a combination that leads to a heavy emphasis on sports as an integral part of the college community and culture. However, this excitement and school spirit surrounding college sports is centered almost entirely on men’s teams. This is shown through the numbers of people that attend men’s versus women’s sports games. A study was performed at the University of Connecticut, exemplifying this phenomenon:
UConn boasts two impressive and nationally recognized basketball programs, so it would only seem natural to
assume their fan bases are equally strong. If anything, the women’s program should have an even more dedicated fan
base, given their dominance over the last decade, producing five championships and a winning percentage of
92.7%. But, in their opening games of the 2011-2012 seasons, the men’s game drew in 10,167 fans whereas the
women’s game, just two days later, played host to only 6,548. (Hartman)
The University of Connecticut is not unique in the fact that it is a large Division I school with much more support and excitement for its men’s teams than women’s teams. This is a trend across most large Division I schools, also exhibited by the University of Michigan.
The University of Michigan is a member of the Division I Big 10 athletic conference. Michigan has generated huge amounts of school spirit through its consistently well-performing sports teams, but, like UConn, this excitement is derived almost exclusively from all-male teams. Reports of Michigan ticket sales show a gross disparity in the revenue generated by certain sports over others. These numbers are discussed in a 2013 summary of a statement made by the University of Michigan athletic director Dave Brandon: “Brandon expects $49.3 million in revenue from game tickets and $33.2 million in donations for preferred seating and other gifts. The ticket revenue is derived mainly from football, basketball and hockey games and is increasing $4.6 million over 2012-13” (Woodhouse). Ticket revenue indicates the level of attendance at games, so the fact that the majority of ticket revenue comes from these three sports indicates that they are the most attended and that they generate the most excitement among students and other Michigan-sports-watchers. Of the three sports mentioned, the Michigan football and hockey teams are all-male, and though there are both men’s and women’s basketball teams, the men’s basketball team generates over 33 times as much revenue as the women’s team (Compare College Sports Programs). As supported by these numbers, it is clear that most college students are far more likely to attend a men’s sports game than a women’s.
The fact that there is so much more support for men’s college teams than women’s perpetuates the idea that women’s sports teams are less legitimate than men’s. It also supports the belief that women do not belong in sports, and should remain feminine and noncompetitive. This idea is discussed further by Claudia Kugelmann, a professor at Humboldt University in Germany who studies and teaches about sports and their influence on both college culture and greater society. In a lecture entitled “Crossing Boarders – High Performance Sport and Gender,” Kugelmann stated, “High performance is a typical male attribute in Western society and that is why high performance sport is a place where men naturally belong – in contrast to women. … In our society women still have to be feminine and charming” (Kugelmann qtd. by Brown). Here, Kugelmann addresses the perspective that fortifies gender inequality in sports. The belief that women are and should remain feminine and noncompetitive still lingers in society, an idea that is only reinforced by the lack of attendance at women’s sports games. When college students do not support or care about their women’s sports programs, even if they are nationally ranked as in the case of UConn’s women’s basketball team, it perpetuates the idea that these sports are illegitimate and undeserving of student attention.
Additionally, the overwhelming praise and support for men’s college teams has shown to evoke a sense of entitlement among male players, provoking instances of sexual assault against women. The excitement and admiration geared toward male college sports teams evokes what gender and sports sociologists Michael Messner and Donald Sabo call “gender narcissism.” Messner and Sabo define gender narcissism as, “The non-erotic appreciation of one’s own gender…” (Messner and Sabo 131). Gender narcissism is cultivated through “narcissistic mirroring,” (Messner and Sabo 131) which they discuss further using the specific example of bodybuilders:
For bodybuilders, mirroring is critical to enhancing self-esteem, hence narcissistic mirroring becomes a functional
phenomenon. … Direct mirroring occurs in two ways: direct and indirect. Direct mirroring occurs through having one’s
ideal self (the way one would like to be seen) directly reflected back to him or her through another person. The
compliment or other expression of acknowledgement is an example of this. Indirect mirroring can also occur through
one’s association with a figure or lifestyle. Here an ideal sense of self (via an external source) is identified and
mirrored back through one’s ability to emulate the lifestyle of the hero or role model. (Messner and Sabo 130-131)
Although here Messner and Sabo discuss gender narcissism and mirroring specifically with bodybuilders, the concept applies in the contexts of other sports. Male college athletes on highly praised teams such as Division I football, basketball, and hockey teams experience both direct and indirect narcissistic mirroring. These players constantly experience direct mirroring through idolization and acknowledgement by the university. They are praised, given countless compliments and support, and are cheered on by thousands of fans when they play in games. These athletes also experience indirect mirroring because they embody the revered ideals of college sports, and follow the successful athletic leaders who came before them. These experiences of direct and indirect mirroring evoke a sense of gender narcissism, in which the players feel confident in and proud of their masculinity and role as a male athlete.
This gender narcissism cultivated in male athletes evokes a sense of entitlement and is linked to elevated occurrences of sexual assault. This is firstly supported by the fact that athletes have a disproportionally higher involvement in sexual assault crimes. In a study by Dr. Mary P. Koss at the National Institutes of Mental Health, she, “…concluded that male athletes were involved in roughly one-third of all sexual assaults committed on college campuses. … According to a 2005 study, athletes account for less than 2% of the total college student population – but that 2% represents 23% of all sexual assault assailants and perpetrates 14% of the attempted sexual assaults on campuses” (Finley 26). The fact that athletes are more likely to commit sexual assault than non-athletes is partly due to their feelings of superiority and dominance, what Messner and Sabo call gender narcissism. A similar concept, named “Big-Man-on-Campus Syndrome” by Merril Melnick, is discussed in his article “Male Athletes and Sexual Assault.” Melnick writes about how often male athletes are openly, “…worshipped by their adoring publics,” (Melnick 33) and relates this to sexual assault: “Many have become so accustomed to ‘easy sex’ that they may find it difficult to accept the word ‘no’ when their date decides the evening is over” (Melnick 33). Because male athletes are so familiar with praise by students and desire of females, they begin to believe that they are entitled to take whatever they want, including sex.
This sense of entitlement was displayed individually in 2009 in the actions of members of the University of Michigan football team. On November 22, 2009, Brendan Gibbons, a kicker for the Michigan football team, raped a freshman girl at a party just off of campus, an accusation that was confirmed by medical evidence. Firstly, as argued previously, the rape itself may have been a result of Gibbons’ feelings of superiority generated by being a highly praised member of the Michigan football team. However, he was not the only player whose entitled mindset was revealed at the time. On November 23, less than 24 hours after the incident, Gibbons’ teammate, Taylor Lewan, “…walks up to a group of students, mistakes someone in the group for alleged victim, [and] makes [a] statement to them about, ‘What, she hasn’t been smooshed that way before?’” (Brendan Gibbons Case Time Line). This comment showed extreme apathy toward the victim, and revealed Lewan’s beliefs that Gibbons was not at fault and that the victim deserved ridicule. Around two weeks later, Lewan was reported to be asking friends of the victim if she was going to press charges, and then threatening, “…‘if she does, then I’m going to rape her because he didn’t’” (Brendan Gibbons Case Time Line). In this statement, Lewan indicates that rape is an acceptable form of punishment for a girl who speaks out against her rapist. Lewan’s lack of empathy and sense of entitlement are made clear by these actions, in which he exhibits both the narcissism and “Big-Man-on-Campus Syndrome” mentioned earlier. Both Gibbons and Lewan deserved to face repercussions for their actions. However, because of Michigan’s then sexual misconduct policy, the school could not conduct an official investigation without the consent of the victim, which she did not give. Even though there was evidence against them, because of this rule the players did not face immediate penalty. However, the university had the power to change this policy, which it waited three years to do.
The lack of immediate action taken against Gibbons and Lewan at Michigan demonstrates the extent of the influence of sports in colleges, and shows that the priority of winning games can transcend that of protecting and supporting female students. At a University of Michigan Board of Regents Meeting in 2011, Dr. Douglass Smith, a former Michigan professor, explicitly asked the questions that much of the student body and nation were wondering: “Where was the university administration when it came time to protect this victim and assure her that she had the support of the administration? … Why were neither Gibbons nor the football player who threatened to rape her brought up on charges of violating the student code of conduct?” (Smith qtd. by Dohrmann). The university’s failure to take immediate action against these players indicated that they were not appalled by the blatant act of sexual abuse against a student at their school. The football team proceeded to play Gibbons as a starting kicker for the next three years, allowing him to gain positive fame and attention as a contributive member of the team. Gibbons was a celebrated player in the 2011-2012 seasons, and had the opportunity to make the game-winning field goal kick in the 2011 Sugar Bowl. By allowing Gibbons this playing time and positive recognition, the university showed that its highest priority was to bring in as many wins as possible, no matter the ethical impropriety.
Although the university was slow to act, it is important to address the fact that Gibbons was ultimately expelled from Michigan in December of 2013 for “…violating the University’s Student Sexual Misconduct Policy” (Slovin). In a statement, Michigan football coach Brady Hoke defends Michigan’s football program, denying that they had any obligation to interfere with Gibbons’ playing time, and justifying Gibbons’ starting position for the three years following the assault: “Our usual approach is not to issue discipline related to a student’s standing on the team before the university’s process runs its course and the outcome has been determined” (Hoke). However, although the school’s policy may have defended the football coaches’ ability to play Gibbons before he was officially disallowed, the fact that he started following his accusation and initial arrest shows that the team leadership was more concerned about wins than showing that Gibbons’ behavior was unacceptable.
Fortunately, in 2013, Michigan changed its policy on sexual misconduct, which now allows the university to begin an investigation into a sexual assault, even when the alleged victim does not initiate it. For this reason, it was not until 2013 that an investigation could be completed. On November 30, 2013 it was officially concluded that Gibbons, “…engaged in unwanted or unwelcome conduct of a sexual nature, committed without valid consent, and that conduct was so severe as to create a hostile, offensive, or abusive environment” (Vander Velde qtd. by Rittenberg). However, though Gibbons was finally officially declared guilty, he was not immediately restricted from playing, and three days later started in a football game against Iowa. Again, the decision to start Gibbons three days after becoming a confirmed rapist shows that the team’s leadership was, “…hiding behind a misguided perception that there is no distinction between constitutional rights and personal privileges” (Sharp). In other words, even though allowing Gibbons to play was inherently wrong, until they were explicitly told that he could not play, the football coaches believed it to be justified. Again, this shows the influence of sports at Michigan, which, in this case, overpowered the will to show support for Gibbons’ victim and outwardly penalize him.
College sports unquestionably benefit schools in many ways. They foster a sense of community and bring fun and excitement to students and other school affiliates. They also embody values of teamwork, dedication, and health, all of which should be important in every person’s life. However, the culture surrounding college sports has also proven to be detrimental to women in multiple ways. Firstly, the focus on men’s sports over women’s encourages the belief that women’s sports are illegitimate and that women do not belong in such a competitive atmosphere. Additionally, the constant praise that male-players receive has shown to cultivate a sense of entitlement in many players, which leads to narcissistic perspectives and elevated instances of sexual assault committed by male athletes. This was demonstrated specifically by Michigan football player Brendan Gibbons who raped a fellow student in 2009 and by his teammate Taylor Lewan who harassed the victim afterward. Further, as demonstrated by leaders in Michigan’s Athletics Department and administration, the emphasis on having a successful team, especially at large Division I schools like Michigan, can distort ethical perspectives and blind people from doing what is right. It is obvious that most male athletes do not and would not become consumed by the praise they receive from their fellow students or commit a sexual assault. However, the elevated numbers of sexual assault and specific examples explained prior show that the overwhelming enthusiasm geared toward male college sports teams increases the chances of these phenomena. In the future, colleges should use funding and advertising to strive toward equalizing the excitement generated by both male and female sports teams. They should also educate male athletes about the consequences of sexual assault and how it directly affects their demographic. With motivation and the will to change, college sports in the future should be able to retain their beneficial aspects while cultivating inclusive communities that value the inclusion and protection of all students.
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